非正式法一_斯文不是

非正式法一

发表时间：2009-02-07 07:04:00 阅读次数: 186 所属分类：未分类

这篇文章是我的意大利同学弗朗西斯科的一篇论文。我们相识于都灵。上课间偶然一次的问题，让我们开始了关于Informal Law的对话，然后他就给我看了他的这篇小文章。我十分地感兴趣，所以有了下面的中文译文。

所有①②都是我的批注。

所有的脚注则是原作者的。为了保证读者能方便的查到出处，对于原作者部分脚注我没有翻译。并将全部原文附于随后。在翻译的过程中，部分法语词汇请教了马里的Yakuba,他是我在都灵的室友。

在国内的时候偶然听到“软法”的称谓。就在想，如果我们能随意地摆放任何一个定语在“法”的前面而不考虑“法”本身的概念内涵，那么必然造成组合后“xx法”概念外延的模糊。

“因为辩证法在对现存事物的肯定的理解中同时包含对现存事物的否定的理解，即对现存事物的必然灭亡的理解；辩证法对每一种既成的形式都是从不断的运动中，因而也是从它的暂时性方面去理解；辩证法不崇拜任何东西，按其本质来说，它是批判的和革命的”

五年来，我最崇拜的就是上面这段话。长久以来当谈到“法”的概念，人们总是钟情于那个统治阶级的意志。然而这个概念相对辩证法的胸怀确实渺小了，甚至不见了。马克思对于法律的定义只是从一个方面做了几十个字的阐述，如果我们到今天还狭隘的把法律定义在这个范围内，还狂妄的像把任何的不符合牵强地解释在这个范围内，我们确实教条了。这是不符合辩证法精神的。而且，如果过分强调法律的上层建筑属性与公权力对法律的确认与维护，那么一个可能的后果就是个体在内心对自我行为约束的淡化。

博登海默那个大楼与照明设施的比喻我想是适合的。

以上是一点所得，在意大利，在欧洲。

非要式法（INFORMAL LAW）①[U1]

弗朗西斯科　瓦匝纳 fravaz@iol.it

当说到非要式法的时候，我们的着眼点是他直接来源于市民社会并且在发展过程中也没有公权力[1]的介入，总之，非要式法不是由国家制定的那些法律。非要式法立足的人权事实，是我们人类一直能切身体验的。即人们相信“公理”（例如，从它的约束性方面去考虑）[2]是从来不需要一个合法化过程就能得到普遍认同的[3]。

试图给非要是法作出一个具有现实意义的不含混的定义在今天仍然是一项挑战。当然，我们应当感谢那些从遥远的世纪[4]就已经开始的人类学研究以及美洲和斯堪的纳维亚的现实主义者[5]的教导，是他们使对非要式法的定义变为可能。

所有的现实主义和人类学派都承认这样的事实，即法律和社会是紧密相连的。同时他们还认为法学家应当摒弃纯粹的形式主义和实证主义的研究方法，当然这种改变是一个漫长且循序渐进的过程。（例如，通常情况下律师更看重成文法，认为这样的法律才有明确的含义，而习惯法则是古老的死板的，没有成文法那样的“高贵”）。但是在今天的学界，却没有人能板上钉丁地说法律只能由国家制定。看到了吗？昨天，René David还在说“中国和日本没有法律”②。今天那些优秀的比较法学家已经向人们展示了在一个法律系统内部要式法和非要式法是如何“共振”的[6]。

通常认为非要式法在无政府社会和殖民地社会的角色远比其在欧美国家重要[7]，然而人类学者却证实了相反的论点：非要式法决不仅仅是“边缘残渣”，他的重要性来自于法源的多样性；将那些写在纸上的规则应用于实践中的时候，非要式法是可以作为经典的教义来使用的[8]。事实就是这样，我们随处可见非要式法在发挥作用。不论是巴西的贫民窟，还是阿根廷的救济所，也不论是一个集贸市场，还是一行排列有序的队伍，我们都能看到活生生的非要式法。可以这样说，如果不是一个人生活在无涯的荒野，非要式法就一定存在。[9]

相信你看到了，我们今天的国际法规范中很大一部分就是习惯法。当然，联合国作为一个权力组织，它所制定的法律也不可避免的带有要式性[10]。

最后有必要提到两个方面：其一是比较法学家在研究习惯法时使用的方法，其二是在法律的移植和移植以后的实施中所面临的问题和困难。对于第一方面，学者们强调了鲜活案例的分析（例如：某种古老的传统或者日常的生活），这使得我们可以还原法制体系背后所应当的社会真实[11]。在第二方面，几位权威也在他们的书中提供了案例，请参阅《the transfer of “formal institutions” at odds with “informal institutions ” of the receiving country may end up creating transaction costs》[12]。

Francesco Vazzana fravaz@iol.it

INFORMAL LAW

References:

Sacco, Substrato, superstrato giuridico, in Digesto civ., Utet, Torino, 1999

SACCO, Antropologia giuridica, p. 79 ss. (pluralismo); 139 ss. (consuetudine); 240 (Cina trad.)

SACCO, Mute law / Rodolfo Sacco. - (S.n.t.), 1995. - (12) p. ; 25 cm. . ((Estr. da: The american journal of comparative law, v. 43, n. 3, 1995 [OP 21498; OP 21623]

SACCO,Formante / Rodolfo Sacco. - Torino : Utet, c1993. - 11 p. ; 26 cm. ((Estr. da: Digesto, 4. ed., v. 8 civile.

[OP 21489; OP 21612]

SACCO, I *rapporti di fatto : ricostruzione della fattispecie e teoria generale / Rodolfo Sacco. - Padova : Cedam, 1986. - <8> p. ; 24 cm. - Estr. da : Rivista di diritto civile, a. XXXII, n. 5 (1986) [OP 20503]

GROSSI, L’ordine giuridico medievale, p. 52 (pluralismo); 87 (consuetudine)

GROSSI, Prima lezione di diritto, p. 99 (consuetudine)

http://libertariannation.org/a/f13l2.html

2004 State and democracy building in subsaharian africa_BATTERA (Frontiers)

BATTERA, F. (2003). State Collapse & the Restoration of Law in Somalia: between Šarî‘a

and Customary Law. In “Cooperazione, sviluppo e rapporti con l’islam nel Corno d’Africa”, Roma, 7 giugno 2002, IsIAO, pp. 127-51

MOHAMED, A. A. (2002). Intergroup Conflicts and Customary Mediation: Experiences from Sudan. In Africa Journal in Conflict Resolution, no. 1.

2007 Exporting western law to the developing world. The troubling case of Niger_KELLEY (Frontiers)

2007 Promise or plunder. a past and future look in law and development_NADER (Frontiers) – problemi globalization

2001 Legal systems in distress. HIV-contamined blood, path dependency and legal change_MATTEI (FOND. per TESI)

2005 Mattei: The Peruvian Civil Code, Property and Plunder. (!!!)

2008 Castellucci, Ignazio (2008) "Law v. Statute, Ius v. Lex: An Analysis of a Critical Relation in Roman and Civil Law," Global Jurist: Vol. 8 : Iss. 1 (Advances), Article 5.
Available at: http://www.bepress.com/gj/vol8/iss1/art5

2004 From Lerotholi to Lando. Some examples of comparative law methodology_PALMER (problemi di metodo)

Francesco Vazzana fravaz@iol.it

INFORMAL LAW

The locution ‘informal law’ refers to a form of law which, rather than being produced by the state, is a direct expression of the civil society and evolves without the intervention of the pub-lic power[13]. Informal law consists essentially of human facts which people repeat sponta-neously because they believe in their ‘juridicity’ (i. e. in their binding nature)[14], and does not need any legitimization because it is commonly accepted[15].

Even if every attempt to provide a truly realistic and less general definition of informal law re-presents a challenge, still, nowadays, such an undertaking becomes feasible thanks to the teaching of American and Scandinavian realism[16] and to the anthropological studies carried out through the XX century[17].

Both realism and anthropology shed light on the fact that law and society are strictly connected (after all, “ubi societas, ibi ius”, they used to say in latin) , and help jurists to get rid of legal formalism and positivism. Of course this is a long, steady process (e.g. the average lawyer keeps on thinking that only written law, the lex, is ‘law’ in a proper sense, while cus-tomary law is ‘something’ ancient and immobile, definitely less ‘noble’ than state law), but to-day no one, among scholars, could affirm that law is entirely produced by the state and hope his words to be taken seriously. While yesterday, for instance, Renée David depicted China and Japan as ‘countries without law’, today best comparativists show that formal and informal law are simply two of the different ‘formants’ which can be found at work in a legal system[18].

After dealing with stateless societies and with colonies, anthropologists started studying Euro-American countries[19] and, in contrast with common beliefs, proved that also in the West informal law has an enormous importance: well beyond being merely ‘residual’, it gains importance among sources of law and becomes also a hermeneutical canon for applying written rules into practice[20].

Actually, we can see informal law in action everywhere: not only in Brazilian favelas or Argen-tinian villas de emergencia but also at the market, in a queue, at school… it could be said, generalizing, that there is informal law where there are at least two people living together or sharing the same space[21]. Moreover, a great part of international law is customary, while the United Nation is a society without a central, hierarchical authority (States maintain their sove-reignty)[22].

Finally, is worth mentioning both methodological issues addressed by comparativists in studying customary law and problems and difficulties related to legal transplants and rules implementation in ‘other’ legal systems. In the matter of the first point, scholars showed the importance of studying dynamic elements, such as mentalitès and practices (customs), in order to render a more realistic picture of the legal system observed[23]; on the other hand several authors provided evidence that «the transfer of “formal institutions” at odds with “in-formal institutions” of the receiving country may end up creating transaction costs» and re-jections[24].

[1]大多数学者同意，非要式法和习惯法的概念是等同的。对我而言非要式法更强调法的产生方式（是需要固定形式的还是不需要的），而习惯法更强调法的来源（草根民众和国家机关）。

[2] See for instance Grossi, Prima lezione di diritto, Roma-Bari, 2007, p. 99 ss.

[3] SACCO, Antropologia giuridica, Bologna, 2007, p. 139 ss.

[4] See, in general, Sacco, Antropologia giuridica, cit., and Nader, Le forze vive del diritto. Un’introduzione all’antro-pologia giuridica, Napoli, 2003.

[5] The ‘big names’ are Hägerström, Lundstdedt, Olivecrona, Alf Ross, J. Frank, Llewellyn.

[6] See Gambaro e Sacco, Sistemi giuridici comparati, Torino, 2008; Ajani, Serafino e Timoteo, Diritto dell’Asia orientale, Torino, 2007.

[7] 然而法学家和人类学者也在关注殖民时期的法制阴影在殖民结束后依然存在这一现象。See for instance Mattei, Legal systems in distress. HIV-contamined blood, path dependency and legal change, 2001; Battera, State and democracy building in subsaharian Africa, 2004; Kelley, Exporting western law to the developing world. The troubling case of Niger, 2007; Nader, Promise or plunder. A past and future look in law and development, 2007 (all available at www.bepress.com).

[8]

[9] 一些学者认定在动物社会也类似于“法”的某种规则。See for instance Box, H. O., Organisation in Animal Communities: Experimental and Naturalistic Studies of the Social Behavior of Animals, New York, Crane Russak & Co, 1973; Caterina, Dominanza e possesso (e proprietà?) in alcune società non umane, in Riv. dir. civ., 2000, I, p 449.

[10] 所有的例子都是为了说明习惯法不借助上层建筑而存在。See, in a historical perspective focused on European Middle-ages, Grossi, L’ordine giuridico medievale, Roma-Bari, 2006.

[11] Sacco, Substrato, superstrato giuridico, in Digesto civ., Utet, Torino, 1999; Palmer, From Lerotholi to Lando. Some examples of comparative law methodology, 2004.

[12] Mattei, Legal systems in distress, cit. Cfr. also, once again, Battera, State and democracy building, cit.; Kelley, Exporting western law, cit.

[13] The expression informal law can be seen as the equivalent of another one, probably more common among scholars: customary law. It seems to me that while the former emphasizes the way of production of the law (formal: e.g. le-gal, vs. informal), the latter stresses the source of the law (grass roots, ordinary people, vs. state organs).

[14] See for instance Grossi, Prima lezione di diritto, Roma-Bari, 2007, p. 99 ss.

[15] SACCO, Antropologia giuridica, Bologna, 2007, p. 139 ss.

[16] The ‘big names’ are Hägerström, Lundstdedt, Olivecrona, Alf Ross, J. Frank, Llewellyn.

[17] See, in general, Sacco, Antropologia giuridica, cit., and Nader, Le forze vive del diritto. Un’introduzione all’antro-pologia giuridica, Napoli, 2003.

[18] See Gambaro e Sacco, Sistemi giuridici comparati, Torino, 2008; Ajani, Serafino e Timoteo, Diritto dell’Asia orientale, Torino, 2007.

[19] However jurists and anthropologists’ interest in post-colonial legal systems is still alive. See for instance Mattei, Legal systems in distress. HIV-contamined blood, path dependency and legal change, 2001; Battera, State and democracy building in subsaharian Africa, 2004; Kelley, Exporting western law to the developing world. The troubling case of Niger, 2007; Nader, Promise or plunder. A past and future look in law and development, 2007 (all available at www.bepress.com).

[20] Consider, for instance, the ‘Disposizioni sulla legge in generale’ in the Italian Civil Code, were the ‘usi’ are put at the bottom of the sources of law taxonomy, and are supposed to be binding only if and when they are recalled by legis-lation (artt. 8-9); see Sacco, Antropologia giuridica, cit., 175 ss.

[21] Many scholars affirm the existence of law also in animal society. See for instance Box, H. O., Organisation in Animal Communities: Experimental and Naturalistic Studies of the Social Behavior of Animals, New York, Crane Russak & Co, 1973; Caterina, Dominanza e possesso (e proprietà?) in alcune società non umane, in Riv. dir. civ., 2000, I, p 449.

[22] All my examples show that customary law is prominent where there is no higher, ‘omnipotent’, authority. See, in a historical perspective focused on European Middle-ages, Grossi, L’ordine giuridico medievale, Roma-Bari, 2006.

[23] Sacco, Substrato, superstrato giuridico, in Digesto civ., Utet, Torino, 1999; Palmer, From Lerotholi to Lando. Some examples of comparative law methodology, 2004.

[24] Mattei, Legal systems in distress, cit. Cfr. also, once again, Battera, State and democracy building, cit.; Kelley, Exporting western law, cit.

[U1]①对于Informal Law国内有人把它翻译成“软法”，然而实际对应“软法”有另外一个英文单词“Soft Law”。经过比较和度量，考虑Informal Law ＂emphasizes the way of production of the law＂，我在这里把它翻译成非要式法。

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